The challenge to the IA and Addendum IA
The challenge to the IA and Addendum IA
Some of the claimants’ experts presented a detailed critique of the IA. In particular, criticisms were advanced in the expert reports of Mr Roberts and Mr Hunt. C&G have gone so far as to submit that their “expert evidence in this litigation has dismantled the quality, accuracy and adequacy of the IA, identified serious flaws in the ground rent calculation …. and proves that significant gaps in the analysis remain unrectified”.
Before considering where that expert evidence leads, it is important to keep in mind the nature of the exercise which the court is required to undertake. On this issue, we adopt the analysis set out in ALR [110]-[117] and [224]-[225]. In summary:
Projections of the impact of legislation will typically involve a number of variables whose values cannot be predicted with certainty, and that is the case here;
It is not enough for a claimant to point to different variables which could have been used. It suffices that the process adopted provides a rational basis for the conclusions drawn;
The fact that the estimates have been subject to an internal review process (in that case by the OBR) is a matter to which the court is entitled to attach particular importance when considering an attack on the methodology; and
The Government has a broad methodological discretion in assessments such as these, particularly where there is no obviously reliable way to model particular impacts or factors.
The IA was reviewed pursuant to the “Better Regulation Framework” (“the BRF”), under which the RPC, as a body independent of Government, seeks to ensure that legislative reforms have a clear evidence base. The BRF involves assessing:
The Net Present Social Value (“NPSV”) of the legislation – the net impact to society and the economy as a whole, including businesses;
The Net Present Value to Business (“NPVB”), the net direct and reasonable indirect benefits of a policy specifically to business; and
The Equivalent Annual Net Direct Cost to Business (“the EANDCB”) of all policy options considered, on an annual basis.
The RPC assesses the quality of evidence and analysis used to inform the Government’s regulatory proposals, including the IA, for the purpose of giving Ministers and Parliament confidence that the evidence and analysis is fit for purpose. In this case, drafts of the IA were circulated internally over a three month period, culminating in a presentation by a team of policy and analyst officials to the RPC. The RPC found the IA “fit for purpose”, while identifying areas for improvement. It concluded that the DLUHC had provided “sufficient evidence to support the estimation of the EANDCB for those measures introduced by the Bill.” The RPC also said that the IA made “good use of data and evidence available from a range of sources, including surveys, administrative data and consultations”. We do not accept the claimants’ suggestion that the RPC was only concerned with the EANDCB, the RPC also being concerned with the NPSV, and the IA’s sourcing and use of data more generally. As with the OBR’s approval in ALR, we attach particular importance to that approval when considering the claimants’ criticisms of the IA.
In summary, Mr Roberts and Mr Hunt advanced the following principal criticisms of the IA:
It is said that the IA was not comprehensive. That criticism must be true, in varying degrees, of almost any attempt to model the impact of significant legislation. The comprehensiveness of any model will reflect real world data availability and modelling resource constraints, as well as the law of diminishing returns, and involves an exercise of judgment. Modelling outputs were subject to a quality assurance process involving relevant publications, other economists in the DLUHC and a testing process with policy experts and analysts within the Department and an external adviser. We conclude that the drawing of the line in this case did not fall outside the Government’s methodological discretion;
Mr Roberts suggested that the modelled impact in the IA of removing marriage value from the enfranchisement premium significantly understates the actual position, for which Mr Roberts produces his own calculation of at least £4.22bn as against the IA’s £1.9bn. The first set of criticisms concerns the use of data from a period when it is suggested that the number of enfranchisements was historically low (both because of the effect of anticipated legislation and the Covid 19 pandemic). The effect of these criticisms concerns the total number of leasehold enfranchisements which should have been assumed, rather than the impact of the reforms at the level of individual leases. To that extent, the effect of the Marriage Value Reform, as assessed by C&G’s experts, involves a greater number of individual leases to the benefit of a greater number of individual tenants than the IA assumed. We do not believe that this assists the claimants – if anything it would strengthen the case for reform.
There are also criticisms as to the assumptions made as to unexpired lease length and the point in the life of a lease when enfranchisement will take place (whether before or only at the 80-year point when marriage value becomes payable under the existing legislation), which would concern the number of lease enfranchisements where marriage value would cease to be payable (and therefore would affect the position at individual lease level in some cases). The making of assumptions of this kind is essentially judgmental and we are not persuaded that the data used here was unreasonable or fell outside the appropriate margin of appreciation. To the extent that it is said to have led to an under-estimate of the total of marriage value impacted by the LFRA 2024 in the material placed before Parliament (the thrust of Mr Maurici KC’s submissions on behalf of C&G), the IA included a sensitivity analysis with a higher annual number of transactions and a £2.5bn impact, and gave an estimate of £7.1bn for the increase in leasehold value which would follow from the removal of marriage value, which clearly signalled the potential for a greater impact on landlords than the modelled amounts. We are satisfied that the judgments made in the IA in this respect fell within the Government’s methodological discretion, and that the presentation to Parliament has not been materially undermined;
Mr Roberts criticises the use in the IA of a 10-year appraisal period when the measures to be introduced by the LFRA 2024 would have a longer term impact. The evidence establishes that this issue was the subject of specific consideration. Such a 10-year period is standard for impact assessments. The appraisal period was discussed with the external advisor and the RPC, and the view taken that an annual impact over 10-years should be provided, but in addition the potential asset value impact in the IA necessarily reflected possible enfranchisements of leases of 80 years or shorter, whenever enfranchisement took place, and was not, therefore, limited to effects within a 10-year period;
Mr Hunt criticises the quality of data relied upon. We have referred already to the RPC’s consideration of this issue. On the data provided by the Land Registry of the number of lease extensions per year, high and low estimates were provided in addition to the central case, to allow a sensitivity analysis to be performed. Modelling assumptions were made on the impact of the 0.1% Ground Rent Cap, in line with evidence obtained from the CMA, in the absence of a data set providing a full distribution of house prices and ground rents. Once again, a sensitivity analysis was undertaken. We are satisfied that in both cases these judgments fell within the Government’s methodological discretion; and
In his second report, served on 3 June 2025 and admitted de bene esse at the hearing, Mr Hunt made various additional criticisms about the raw data used in the modelling analysis, and also said that if the model used in the IA was updated to reflect data available at May 2025, without changing other inputs, the modelled NPV would move from positive £90.9m to negative £75m. As to the first of these points, the data set was sourced from the Land Registry and included high and low estimates. It reflected both statutory and non-statutory lease extensions. The evidence indicates that the data set used was preferred over another data set (referred to as the “sample data set”) because the Land Registry advised that this alternative set had a significant potential for sample bias. With respect, this very granular criticism, raised at a late stage, was wholly unrealistic in the context of a judicial review challenge, given the Secretary of State’s broad methodological discretion. The second point was equally unpersuasive: the “updating” data was not available when the IA was prepared and the LFRA 2024 enacted, nor can we see a principled basis for selective updating.
At the hearing, the criticisms of the IA were more narrowly focussed, at least for the purposes of oral submissions. We have dealt with the issues as to the data set above. The other two points concerned the two errors admitted by the Secretary of State.
The first concerned the error which the Secretary of State’s team identified and drew to the claimants’ attention, which led to the Addendum IA. This had two elements. The first concerned the uprating of ground rents to simulate increases over time. This had used RPI forecasts from the OBR but did not fully align with OBR assumptions, and in any event a typographical error was made in reproducing the relevant formula. The second concerned discounting of ground rents in the Term valuation, and the removal of an inflation deflater which was appropriate for Government calculations more generally, but was not appropriate for the IA, given the stated desire to simulate standard market practice valuation in which no such deflator is used. We would note that neither error is suggestive of some systemic deficiency in the IA. As to the effects:
These increased the estimate of total costs and total benefits by £500m (from previous figures of £3.5bn and £3.6bn) at 2025 PV. There was, however, no change in the NPSV or NPV measures in the IA of £90.9m (2019 prices, 2020 PV), because costs and benefits netted off for that purpose. As well as a central case, the IA gave a range for total costs and benefits, expressed in 2020 PV;
So far as the costs figures are concerned, the figures in the IA ranged from £2.292bn to £3.899bn, with a central case of £2.984bn. The revised central case was £3.4bn, and the range £2.691bn to £4.319bn;
So far as the benefits figures are concerned, the figures in the IA were £2.405bn to £3.803bn, with a best estimate of £3.075bn, revised to £2.803bn to £4.223bn, with a best estimate of £3.51bn;
Finally, the EANDCB in the IA was £340.7m costs, £118m benefits producing net £222.8m cost. This was revised to £391.2m costs, £136.6m benefits and a net cost of £254.6m.
Second, a methodological error was identified by Mr Hunt very shortly before the hearing which impacted one aspect of both the IA and the Addendum IA, namely the calculation of NPV. In short, the calculations of the effects of the Marriage Value Reform, Ground Rent Cap and Costs Recovery Reform in the LFRA 2024 related to amounts which would reduce the sums payable by tenants to their landlords to enfranchise. An over-estimate would over-state the overall level of that reduction, an under-estimate would have the converse effect. That made it inappropriate, when calculating “high” and “low” estimates, to subtract the low estimate of value obtained by tenants from the high estimate of value lost by landlords. The effect of the error was presented by C&G’s expert, Mr Hunt, for all three measures as set out in a letter from C&G’s Solicitors dated 11 July 2025 and which we reproduce below (the Secretary of State’s team did not have sufficient time to produce a revised range, but the direction of travel is not disputed):
Scenario | IA NPV | Addendum IA NPV | Corrected NPV |
Low | -£1,493.7m | -£1,515.9m | +£62m |
High | +£1,510.3m | +£1,532.4m | +£139m |
Best estimate | +£90.9m | £90.9m | +£90m |
Mr Maurici made two points about these admitted errors.
The first was the very significant adjustment which resulted from the correction made in the Addendum IA of the ground rent error. As to this argument, the revised figure still appeared within the range of costs figures in the IA, from which the considerable uncertainties attaching to what was, on any view, a very large figure for the costs impacts on landlords would have been obvious. While the upper end of the range of total costs increased from £3,899.1m to £4,319.6m, the considerable uncertainty attaching to both figures was made clear, together with the scale of potential cost impacts. That is also clear from the figures presented in the IA as to the effect of the removal of marriage value on the valuation of leasehold properties, of £7.1bn in England and £7.2bn in England and Wales (figures which are very similar to the £7.281bn calculated by C&G’s experts) which reflected the benefit to tenants of no longer having to pay marriage value to landlords and, as we have noted, was not limited to a 10-year time horizon. Mr Hunt also suggested that, once allowance is made for the second error, the £513m error corrected in the Addendum IA lies considerably outside “the margin of sensitivity for the NPV” (i.e. the range of overall economic impacts of the LFRA 2024 in NPV term). This narrowed considerably following the correction of the second error. However, we accept the evidence of Ms Fleming and Ms Crowther for the Secretary of State that the range of costs figures is more relevant in this context. This is because the modelling of ground rent, in which the error corrected in the Addendum IA features, was the modelling of costs. As the costs involved an adverse change in the position of landlords and a corresponding improvement in the position of tenants, they net off in the NPV calculation.
The second was the effect of the second of these errors on the range of NPV benefit figures. On Mr Hunt’s calculations, this involved a change from an original range of minus £1.493bn to plus £1.51bn to a range of either plus £62m to plus £139m or plus £113m to minus £96m depending on which of two possible methodologies is used. The experts agreed that neither the central NPV estimate nor the total estimate of costs and benefits was affected by this error. Mr Maurici suggested that the revised figures suggested a much lower potential upside for NPV, as well as much lower potential downside, than the IA, albeit an essentially unchanged NPV. We do not accept that this has any significant impact on the weight to be attached to the IA: if anything, the reliability of the central case as to NPV would be reinforced by the significant narrowing of the range. As we have said, there is a dispute as to whether the effect of this second error might be to move the effect of the first error identified in the previous paragraph outside the range of NPV estimates provided. Whether or not that is so, we do not accept that it materially undermines the IA, which clearly presented very significant adverse potential effects on landlords, which might well have been far in excess of the upper end of the 10-year costs range, given the valuation impact on leasehold properties set out in the IA.
It follows that we do not accept any of the claimants’ criticisms of the IA. It was a bona fide and methodologically rational exercise for estimating the effects of the LFRA 2024 and the sensitivities of the measures assist the claimants.
Finally, Mr Roberts refers in his report to “local variation in overseas ownership” with higher levels in PCL. Mr Hunt criticises the IA for failing to “distinguish between costs and benefits that accrue to UK residents or businesses versus foreign ones”, referring to para. 2.3 of HM Treasury’s Green Book which states that “social or public value … includes all significant costs and benefits that affect the welfare and wellbeing of the population”. He argues that the Government should seek to assess the welfare benefits for the population served by the Government, and that the benefit to overseas residents should have been excluded. These passages formed the basis for a submission by Mr Maurici that the IA was flawed and/or could not be relied upon because it had failed to calculate how much of the benefit would be to tenants residing outside the UK.
We believe Mr Hunt was intending to refer to para. 2.1 of the Green Book (May 2022). This, in relevant respect, provides:
“Principles of appraisal
Appraisal is the process of assessing the costs, benefits and risks of alternative ways to meet government objectives. It helps decision makers to understand the potential effects, trade-offs and overall impact of options by providing an objective evidence base for decision making.
Appraisal: The appraisal of social value, also known as public value, is based on the principles and ideas of welfare economics and concerns overall social welfare efficiency, not simply economic market efficiency. Social or public value therefore includes all significant costs and benefits that affect the welfare and wellbeing of the population, not just market effects. For example, environmental, cultural, health, social care, justice and security effects are included. This welfare and wellbeing consideration applies to the entire population that is served by the government, not simply Taxpayers ... ”
We are not able to derive from para. 2.1 a requirement to separate out benefit (or for that matter cost) as between UK and non-UK residents, although we accept this may well be a relevant consideration. The IA was alive to this issue, but dealt with it briefly at [140]:
“The Government is aware that some leaseholder landlords are overseas investors, but would note that some freeholders are overseas investors too.”
The Law Commission in the course of the consultation process heard different views on this issue. The Law Commission’s Valuation Report, [3.76] referred to a suggestion that making enfranchisement cheaper would “result in a one-off transfer of equity” which, in PCL, “may” cause “a resulting leakage of wealth out of the UK” (a submission from Cluttons, Mr Roberts’ firm). The immediately following para. ([3.77]) records a submission that “there are … a number of foreign controlled funds who have invested on the basis of stable law and stable institutions in this country, and it is likely to be the case that any shift in value from landlords to lessees is likely to damage this country’s international reputation as a safe haven for investors”. The Law Commission did not recommend drawing such a distinction by reference to residence or, indeed, tax domicile. This was something which had not hitherto featured in the statutory enfranchisement regime and would have taken enfranchisement rights away from some leaseholders, including foreign resident leaseholders whose property was used for residential purposes only, and not rented out. This was a point made in a submission to the Housing Minister of 6 November 2023 (page 4).
In circumstances in which the claimants have made much of those who they say are the ultimate economic or practical beneficiaries of their freehold property portfolios, we can see formidable difficulties in attempting to produce the type of calculation now said to be vital to the IA. The claimants themselves have only offered qualitative rather than quantitative assessments (and only of the tenant and not the landlord side). We would take some persuading that the failure to embark on that difficult process, in circumstances where the LFRA 2024 itself was not seeking to single out “foreign” tenants, rendered the IA inappropriate for its task. We have not been so persuaded.
Finally, we briefly summarise the evidence from the various claimant groups as to the impact of the LFRA 2024 on them individually, which was not seriously challenged in its broad effect and which, we accept, is significant on any view.
So far as the ARC claimants are concerned:
The FIAF claimant group has received valuation advice that the measures challenged adversely affect the capital value of the fund by a sum in the range between £91 and £152 million. Market uncertainty following the announcement in November 2023 of a consultation on a general ground rent cap and the publication of the bill that became the LFRA 2024 has, the FIAF claimant group believes, already caused the fund to lose 30% of its valuation, equating to a loss of over £50 million;
As of April 2025, PUKGLF's valuation has dropped by 52% for the residential component of the fund since the Government’s announcement of proposals for leasehold reform in January 2021; this includes a drop of 35.3% in the total investment value of all residential ground leases in the period between the LFRA 2024 receiving Royal Assent (May 2024) and April 2025. As of April 2025, PUKResGLF's valuation has dropped by 44.8% since the Government's announcement of proposals for leasehold reform in January 2021. This includes a drop of 20.8% in the total investment value of all residential ground leases in the period between the LFRA 2024 receiving Royal Assent (May 2024) and April 2025. The PUKGLF and PUKResGLF claimant groups have received valuation advice that the measures challenged (the enfranchisement cap and the changes to cost recovery, the impact of the Marriage Value Reform being too uncertain to quantify in their case) will, depending on the rates ultimately set, adversely affect the value of the portfolios by a sum in the range between £100 and £154 million;
GRIF's portfolio was valued as £106.1 million as at 30 September 2023. By March 2025, the valuation of the fund was £56.8 million, representing a reduction in value on a like for like basis (net of disposals, completed enfranchisements or similar) of £40.3 million since September 2023. With caveats about material uncertainty in the market because of long-standing speculation about the measures challenged in these proceedings, and the absence of prescribed capitalisation and deferment rates, the GRIF claimant group has been advised that the enfranchisement cap challenged will, using a capitalisation rate of 8%, reduce the value of the fund by about £98 million.
Turning to the C&G claimants:
The evidence of Grosvenor is that the removal of marriage value would result in losses estimated at £168 million (at present day value). The 0.1% Ground Rent Cap will cause Grosvenor a reduction in capital value of approximately £9.07 million.
The evidence of Cadogan is that the removal of marriage value would result in losses estimated at £73 million (at present day value). The 0.1% Ground Rent Cap will cause Cadogan a reduction in capital value of approximately £4.75 million.
As to the Abacus claimants, the impact of the measures under challenge on their portfolio value has been estimated as a loss of about £147 million, caused primarily by the fact that the measures will reduce the premiums payable by (and costs recoverable from) all tenants on enfranchisements.
As to the Wallace claimants:
The removal of marriage value is estimated to cause a reduction in Wallace’s projected cash flows over the next 40 years of £92 million.
The Ground Rent Cap at 0.1% for the purposes of calculating enfranchisement premiums is estimated to cause a reduction in Wallace’s projected cash flows over the next 40 years of £70 million.
John Lyon’s Charity estimates it annual loss from the removal of marriage value at about £1.37million.
The Portal Trust estimates that the amount payable on the enfranchisement of qualifying properties under its two leases with SHA would be reduced by between 43-47% as a result of the LFRA 2024, with loss of marriage value for the whole estate estimated at £52m at March 2021 values.
- Heading
- Lord Justice Holgate and Mr Justice Foxton This judgment is set out under the following headings
- The parties
- The issues raised by the parties
- The legislative history
- The LFRA 2024
- Article 1 of the First Protocol – the legal principles The approach of UK courts to the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights
- The structure of A1P1
- James v United Kingdom
- Strasbourg jurisprudence after James
- Are the effects of the wasting asset problem priced into the premia for residential leaseholds?
- Proportionality in domestic law – general principles
- Assessing the aims of a measure and its justification
- The width of the margin of appreciation
- General rules or bright lines
- Less intrusive measures
- The ab ante principle
- Indirect discrimination
- The requirement for compensation to be reasonably related to the value of the property taken
- The concept of market value
- The evolution of the measures under challenge
- The Law Commission embarks on a further leasehold reform project
- Contributions from Government and Parliament
- The Law Commission Consultation Paper No.238
- Further Government and Parliamentary activity
- The Law Commission Valuation Report (No.387)
- CMA involvement
- The Law Commission Enfranchisement Report (No.392)
- The Government moves towards legislation
- The Impact Assessment
- The Bill
- The ECHR Memorandum
- Engagement by the claimants in the reform process
- After the LFRA 2024 was enacted
- Estimates of the impact of the measures The material before the court
- The challenge to the IA and Addendum IA
- The aims of the measures The rival cases as to the objects of the LFRA 2024
- The legislation
- Hansard
- The statutory interventions prior to the LFRA 2024
- The material from 2016 to the enactment of the LFRA 2024
- Conclusions as to objects
- Are the measures rationally connected with the identified objects?
- The Ground Rent Cap
- The background
- Whether the objects which the Ground Rent Cap was intended to achieve could have been achieved by a less intrusive measure
- The “fair balance” assessment
- Conclusion
- The Marriage Value Reform
- Marriage value and the problem of the tenant’s lease as a wasting asset
- Consideration of marriage value in documents leading to the LFRA 2024
- Aims
- The claimants’ arguments on the justification for the Marriage Value Reform
- Whether the objects which the Marriage Value Reform was intended to achieve could have been achieved by a less intrusive measure
- The “fair balance” assessment
- The submissions of John Lyon’s Charity on the Marriage Value Reform
- Conclusion
- The Costs Recovery Reform
- Aims and justification
- Fair balance assessment
- Conclusion
- The cumulative effect of the measures
- Whether the non-exclusion of charities from the measures violates A1P1? Introduction
- Consideration of the effect of enfranchisement reform on charities prior to the enactment of the LFRA 2024
- The effect on landlords with charitable status
- The case for the Portal Trust Introduction
- The pre-legislative and legislative process
- The objects of the LFRA 2024
- Conclusions
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